読書ノート：Part I/Chapter 3 of THE PSYCHOLOGY OF TOTALITARIANISM
はじめに
このノートは、The Psychology of Totalitarianism（Mattias Desmet著）を読み、重要と思われた部分を抜き出して記録したものです。ノートは、章単位の構成となっています。他章のノートを参照する場合、各ノート末の「全体校正」のリンクを参照してください。
このノートは、一読者としての印象を部分的に抜き出たものです。私の意見・感想は含まれていません。しかし、部分的な抜き出しなので、正しい内容を反映していないかもしれません。また、本文での引用情報も含まれていません。従って、本書を正しく理解するためには、ぜひ原文をお読みください。
このノートの目的は、自分としての理解の整理ですが、もし、本書の興味の一助になれば嬉しいです。
Part I: Science and its Psychological Effects /
Chapter 3: The Artificial Society
What is the endgame of the mechanistic ideology?To answer this question, we must return to the cathedral of Pisa where the eyes of seventeen-year-old Galileo Galilei follow a swinging lamp. With his youthful openness and curiosity, Galileo sees something that countless eyes had never noticed: Whether the pendulum makes a long or a short swing, the time it takes to swing hence and forth is always the same. Upon closer analysis, this makes sense. Long swings start from a higher position and as the object begins its downward motion, it accelerates in its path. Shorter swings start from a lower position, and as the object begins its downward motion, it accelerates less. The speed at which the pendulum travels on its path is directly proportional to the length of the arc it makes—and therefore the movement of the pendulum always lasts the same amount of time.
機械論的イデオロギーの行き着く先はどこなのでしょうか？この問に答えるためには、ガリレオの発見にまで遡らねばなりません。彼が発見したのは、振り子が長く揺れても、短く揺れても、その時間はいつも同じということでした。すなわち、振り子が進む速度は、振り子が描く弧の長さに正比例するので、同じ振り子の運動は常に同じ時間となります。
Galileo’s discovery was brilliant, no doubt. But it wasn’t quite right.Christiaan Huyghens noticed something when he was building his pendulum clocks: If he attached several clocks to the same wall, their pendulums would eventually move in a perfect simultaneous manner. He couldn’t help but conclude that somehow the clocks were in communication with one another. Huyghens assumed—rightly, as it turned out—that the vibrations of the pendulums spread through the wall, causing small deviations in duration that, in a way that is difficult to understand, eventually cause the pendulum movements synchronize.
ガリレオの発見は素晴らしいものでしたが、厳密には正しくなかったのです。ホイヘンスは、振り子時計を作っている時に有ることに気づきました。同じ壁に複数の時計を取り付けると、その振り子が完全に同時に動くことに。彼は、振り子時計同士が何らかの通信をしていると考えました。例えば、壁を介した振動の共有の様に。
That is to say, pendulums are more complex than Galileo’s simple law suggests. Apparently, they have the ability to adjust their movements under the influence of their environment. Precision measurements of the duration of motion confirm Huyghens’s view, at least to the following extent: Contrary to what Galileo thought, pendulums do not always swing for exactly the same amount of time. Sometimes it takes just a little longer, sometimes just a little less time to complete its movement. And this also turned out to be the case if a pendulum is swinging in an isolated state, without the process of synchronization: The swings’ durations are not exactly the same.Initially, these deviations were dismissed as a form of insignificant “noise.”The irregularity in the pendulum was believed to be the result of coincidental mechanical factors, such as changes in surrounding airflow or the chain twisting.
実は、振り子の振る舞いは、はガリレオの見出した法則よりも遥かに複雑だったのです。振り子の運動を精密に測定すると次のことが明らかとなりました：１）振り子は常に同じ時間で振れているわけではないこと、２）その時間は、ある時はより長い時間、ある時はより短い時間であること、３）この現象は、単一振り子でも観測できること。当初、振り子の不規則性は、取るに足らない「ノイズ」と考えられました。
It took until the second half of the twentieth century to discover that this is not correct. These apparently random deviations form a pattern that can be described with a mathematical formula but is nevertheless strictly unpredictable.(Pendulums have the characteristic of deterministic unpredictability, which we will revisit in chapter 9). What’s more, the aforementioned pattern is unique to each pendulum. Pendulums had been regarded as dull, mechanical phenomena that dutifully followed Galileo’s laws, but those elementary mechanical devices were, in fact, creative in nature and idiosyncratically capable of disobedience. In Chaos, James Gleick puts it this way: “Those studying chaotic dynamics discovered that the disorderly behavior of simple systems acted as a creative process. It generated complexity: richly organized patterns, sometimes stable and sometimes unstable, sometimes finite and sometimes infinite, but always with the fascination of living things.”
しかし、20世紀後半、それが「単なるノイズ」ではないことが判明しました。一見ランダムに見えるこの偏差は、数式で記述できますが、それでも厳密には予測不可能だったのです（振り子が持っている「決定論的予測不能性」という特性については、第9章で再確認します）。しかも、そのパターンは個々の振り子に固有のものだったのです。単純だと思われていた振り子の振る舞いの本質は、創造的かつ不従順（＝予測不可能）だったのです。
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Galileo’s pendulum illustrates a universal law: The logic and rational explanation of a natural phenomenonhowever comprehensive it may be—always makes an abstraction of that phenomenon. Theoretical models never capture anything fully; they always leave an unexplained remainder. This remainder is not just insignificant, random “noise.” It is the essence of the object. It is its living component.
自然現象を論理的に合理的に説明することは、それがどんなに包括的であろうと、常にその現象を抽象化することになります。理論的モデルは、決して物事を完全に捉えることができず、常に説明のつかない余白を残します。その余白こそが、そのものの本質なのです。
You can see this, for example, in the difference between “natural” and “artificial” products. Whether it’s a genetically engineered plant, lab-printed meat, vaccine-induced immunity, or high-tech sex dolls—whenever we artificially reproduce a natural phenomenon from rational analysis, the artificial phenomenon is not identical to the original.The loss is not always immediately visible. Sometimes it is barely visible at all. And yet, it is crucial, both on a physical and psychological level. The digitalization of human interactions—replacing real human interactions with digital ones—is a good example thereof.
自然現象を合理的に分析して人工的に再現した場合、その人工現象はオリジナルと同一ではありません。その損失は、必ずしもすぐに目に見えるものではありません。ほとんど見えないこともあります。しかし、それは物理的にも心理的にも非常に重要なことなのです。人間の相互作用のデジタル化、つまり現実の人間の相互作用をデジタルなものに置き換えるという試みは、「この差」を説明する格好の例です。
With the coronavirus crisis, the trend toward a digital society made a big leap forward. Teleworking became the norm, student life took place online, aperitif and coffee were consumed in front of a television or computer screen,6 even sex was mediated through technological machinery and the death penalty was carried out from a safe digital distance. Initially, it was mainly seen as a necessity and occasionally as an advantage. People felt protected from the virus, saved time, avoided traffic jams, reduced their ecological footprint, and spared themselves the stress and discomfort that can characterize human encounters.
コロナウイルスの危機をきっかけに、デジタル社会への流れは大きく前進しました。人々は、ウイルスから守られていると感じ、時間を節約し、交通渋滞を避け、エコロジカル・フットプリントを減らし、人との出会いを特徴づけるストレスや不快感から免れることができました。
However, this acceleration of online existence also accelerated burnout and exhaustion, to the extent that some now speak of digital depression. Perhaps the heart of the problem lies in the following: A conversation not only conveys information; there is also a subtle but equally profound bodily exchange and this is disrupted by digitalization. This physical aspect of speaking is of vital importance. It makes language a matter of love and lust, charged with a refined eroticizing power. That’s why we physically crave a real conversation after a week of working online.
しかし、このようなオンライン上の存在は、燃え尽き症候群や疲弊を加速させ、今では「デジタルうつ病」と言われるほどです。会話は情報を伝えるだけではありません。会話は、微妙かつ深い身体的な交流です。デジタル化は、この交流を破壊します。
A digital conversation is not the same as a real conversation. We see this most clearly in infants.During the first six months, they learn to distinguish language sounds at an astonishing pace, but only while listening to someone who is physically present, not when listening to an audio or video recording (see Kuhl’s experiments). Early language learning is inseparable from the physical presence of the “other.” The child internalizes the mother’s (body) language, as it satisfies its physical needs with the warmth of her body, the milk of her breasts. The child breathlessly fixates on the mother’s face and imitates the expressions that play on it; it listens with the closest attention to the sounds she makes and even with its earliest sobbing and crying already echoes the melody and tones of her speech.
デジタルな会話と現実の会話は同じではありません。このことは、幼児を見れば明らかです。生後6ヶ月間、彼らは驚くべき速さで言語音を聞き分けることを学ぶますが、それは物理的に存在する人の話を聞いているときに限られ、音声やビデオ録画を聞いている時ではないのです。初期の言語学習は、"他者 "の身体的存在と不可分です。子どもは、母親の体温や乳房のミルクで身体的欲求を満たしながら、母親の言語（とボディーランゲージ）を内面化させます。
What’s more: This synchronization already takes place before birth, in the womb. Annie Murphy Paul’s experiments (“What babies learn before they are born”) show that the infant’s crying immediately after birth already bears melodic resemblance to its mother’s voice. And if a newborn listens to its mother’s voice through headphones while nursing on the left breast and someone else’s voice while nursing on the right, it will begin nursing significantly more on the left. The conclusion is inescapable: The child has already become familiar with its mother’s voice in the womb; life in the womb has predestined it to resonate with that specific voice.
しかも、この母と子の同調は、生まれる前、つまり子宮の中にいるときから始まります。子どもは子宮の中ですでに母親の声に慣れ親しんでいます。
After birth, the child further develops this primal resonance. This doesn’t happen haphazardly. The child achieves a kind of symbiosis with the mother through its creative imitations of her sounds and facial expressions; in this way, it will feel what she feels. As it takes on its mother’s happy expression, it also feels her joy; if it takes on her sad expression, it shares in her unhappiness. Something similar applies to the exchange of sounds: In the clinking and clanging of the mother’s language trembles the well and woe of her being, and the child who imitates that language resonates with it on the same psychological wavelength.
誕生後、子どもはこの原始的な共鳴をさらに発展させます。母親の音や表情を真似ることで、母親との共生を実現し、母親が感じていることを自分も感じるようになります。母親の喜ぶ顔を見れば、自分も喜びを感じ、悲しい顔を見れば、自分も不幸せを感じます。音のやりとりも同じことが起きます。
This early resonance between child and its (social) environment leads to a unique phenomenon: The young child’s body gets “loaded” with a series of vibrations and tensions that become embedded in the deepest and finest fibers of its body.They form a kind of “body memory” that not only programs the function of the musculature, glands, nerves, and organs, but also predisposes the child to certain psychological conditions, or disorders.
子供とその（社会的）環境との早い段階での共鳴は、ユニークな現象を引き起こします。幼い子どもの身体は、一連の振動と緊張の「負荷」を受け、それが身体の最も深い部分に「身体記憶」として埋め込まれます。この「身体記憶」は、身体機能（筋肉、腺、神経、臓器など）をプログラムするだけでなく、特定の心理条件（あるいは障害）の素となります。
That is why the voice is of vital importance, especially at an early age. Lack of a voice is fatal to the young child. The Austrian-American psychiatrist René Spitz studied two groups of children whose biological needs (food, drink, clothing, housing) were satisfied in identical ways, except that one group had a stable psychological bond with a caretaker and the other did not.Spitz found that the mortality rate was significantly higher in the latter group.
だから、特に幼少期には、肉声が極めて重要なのです。声の欠如は、幼い子供にとって致命的なのです。精神科医ルネ・スピッツは、世話をしてくれる人との安定した心理的結びつきがある子供のグループとそれの無い子供のグループを調査しました。その結果、後者のグループの死亡率が優位に高いことを発見しました。
This subtle physical dimension of linguistic exchange remains important throughout life.While speaking, adults, like young children, constantly mirror the facial expressions and postures of their interlocutor without even realizing it (see research into the so-called mirror neurons). This happens through a kind of inner imitation, through slight and imperceptible increases in muscle tensions. No matter how subtle, this is more than enough to gauge, in an immeasurably short time span, the deeper layers of the other’s subjective experiencing—whether that person is in pain, feels sad or happy, is perhaps just pretending—and to mimic it.
言語交換におけるこの微妙な身体的側面は、生涯を通じて重要であり続けます。大人も幼い子供と同じように、会話をしている間、無意識に相手の表情や姿勢を常に反映しています。相手の主観的経験の深層を計り知れないほど短時間で測定し、反映します。その人が、苦しんでいるのか、悲しんでいるのか、喜んでいるのか、それともフリをしているのか、を。
When people talk to one another, they sense each other very sharply because they perceive the slightest changes in intonation, voice timbre, facial expression, body position, rate of speech, and so on. Like flocking starlings, they form one organism. They are connected with one another through a psychic membrane that transfers the slightest ripple in body and soul. In every exchange of words, no matter how trivial, people show themselves to be perfect dance partners; they are subtly united through the eternal music of language. We make love more often than we realize.
人と人が話すとき、イントネーション、声の調子、顔の表情、体の位置、話す速度などのわずかな変化を感じ取るため、互いを非常に鋭く感じ取ることができる。まるでムクドリの群れの様に、一つの生命体を形成しているのです。
This complex phenomenon degrades when digitized. Digital interactions always have a certain delay; exclude certain aspects of contact, such as scent and temperature; are selective (you see only someone’s face); and create the constant, unpleasant preapprehension that the connection may drop. As a result, digital interactions are not only experienced as reticent and stiff; they also give us the feeling that we cannot really (physically) sense the other. In the words of workplace leadership expert Gianpiero Petriglieri: “In digital interactions, our minds are tricked into believing that we are together, but our bodies know that we are not; what’s so exhausting about digital conversations is being constantly in the presence of the other person’s absence.”
この複雑な現象は、デジタル化されると劣化します。デジタルなインタラクションでは常に一定の遅延があり、香りや温度といった接触のある側面を排除され、選択的であり（相手の顔しか見えない）、接続が切れるかもしれないという不快な予感を生じさせます。この結果、デジタルな交流は無愛想で堅苦しいだけでなく、相手を本当に（物理的に）感じることができないという感覚を生じさせます。
From here, we see a direct association between digitalization and depression. In classical psychoanalytic theory, depression is associated with the frustrating experience of helplessness, induced by the passivity or absence of a loved one (usually a parent, in childhood). Subsequently, you pay the “Other” with the same currency: You yourself become passive (i.e., depressed). Digital “connection” leads to a similar dynamic: You feel helpless with respect to an Other, whom you experience as absent and unreachable, and react with frustration and passivity (i.e., feeling exhausted).
ここから、デジタル化とうつ病の直接的な関連性が見えてきます。デジタルの「繋がり」は、あなたに無力を感じさせます。つまり，実存性の無さと手の届かない存在である他者に対して無力感を感じ，フラストレーションと受動性で反応する（つまり，疲れを感じる）．
Similar examples can be extracted from educational settings (the enthusiasm of the teacher, which is almost physically palpable in a classroom does not tolerate the journey through a fiber optic cable); work environments (the support of a project leader is diluted in an online meeting); love life (try to salvage a wavering love, with all the linguistic torment that characterizes it, through online communication); and actually any situation to which a person must be fully accompanied by his humanity.
このように、デジタル化は会話の人間性を失わせます。例えば、教室では実感できる教師の熱意が、光ケーブルを介した旅には耐えられませんし、プロジェクトリーダーのサポートがオンラインミーティングでは希薄になります。
In a digital conversation, in which the Other is literally kept at a distance but can still be reached, these eternal questions and the associated uncertainty and fear become less acute. The sense of control is far greater; it’s easier to selectively show some things and hide others. In short, people feel psychologically safer and more comfortable behind a digital wall but pay a price for it with the loss of connectedness. This brings us to a theme that will recur repeatedly in this book: The mechanization of the world causes man to lose contact with his environment and become an atomized subject, the kind of subject in which Hannah Arendt recognized the essential component of the totalitarian state.
デジタルな会話で、人は「自分がコントロールしている」という感覚（あるものは見せ、あるものは隠すという選択も容易にできる）を得ます。しかし、人はデジタルの壁の向こう側で心理的により安全でより快適に感じる一方で、その代償として「つながり」を失うのです。
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Science adapts its theory to reality, whereas ideology adapts reality to theory. This includes mechanistic ideology, which attempts to adapt reality to its theoretical fiction. It aims to optimize nature and the world. We already mentioned genetically engineered plants and animals, lab-printed meat, and other artificial products, but it extends much further than that. Some argue that menstrual periods are a superfluous inconvenience and advocate for eliminating them with artificial hormones and turning the female cycle into a single, flat line. And after years of experimenting with “growing” cow and dog fetuses in an artificial womb, which is little more than a plastic bag (see figure 3.1), some people believe that it’s also time to replace a mother’s womb with a synthetic sack.
GIZMODより引用
科学は理論を現実に適合させますが、イデオロギーは現実を理論に適合させます。機械論的イデオロギーも、現実をその理論的フィクションに適合させようとするから「イデオロギー」なのです。より具体的な例としては、人工子宮（Figure 3.1）、World Economic ForumのDigicosm（人間の生活がオンライ主体となる）、トランスヒューマニズム（科学技術を用いた人の肉体と知性の飛躍）、イーロン・マスクの脳内に埋め込むマイクロチップ、地球工学などが挙げられます。
The triumphant music of the mechanistic ideology always contains a discordant note. If we know anything by now, it’s that the achieved convenience always comes at a price, and that price usually becomes apparent only after it’s too late. The fluorine compounds in Teflon pans and the PFAS in water repellent raincoats turn out to be carcinogenic. So is the ethylene oxide used in hundreds of everyday products. The connection between chemicals and chronic, noninfectious, degenerative diseases, the so-called diseases of civilization, is basically well known, but that doesn’t stop or redirect the relentless drive to push “civilizing” further down that road. 23 The greater the impact of mechanistic science on the world, the more it becomes clear that we’re creating problems for which we can hardly find a solution. The ever-thickening plastic soup in the oceans and the nuclear waste that remains active for hundreds of thousands of years are just a few examples. Those problems were, in principle, clear from the start to those who had the eyes to see it. In the eighteenth century, the British painter and poet William Blake, for example, already had a keen sense of the destructive and dehumanizing nature of the mechanization of the world. In a sense, his entire oeuvre testifies to it. Unfortunately, he was, and remains, an exception.
機械論的イデオロギーの勝利の音楽は、常に不協和音を含んでいます。今までの経験から、実現した便利さには常に代償が伴い、その代償はたいてい手遅れになってから明らかになります。18世紀のイギリスの画家・詩人であるウィリアム・ブレイクは、世界の機械化がもたらす破壊と非人間的な性質を指摘した先駆けでした。しかし、残念ながら、彼は例外でしたし、今でも例外です。
Why is mankind so hopelessly seduced by the mechanistic ideology? Partly because it’s under the influence of the following illusion: that one is able to remove the discomforts of existence without having to question oneself at all. This is best illustrated by modern medicine. The cause of suffering is typically traced to a mechanical “defect” in the body or to an external entity, such as a pathogenic bacterium or virus. Its cause is localized and can (in principle) be controlled, managed, and manipulated without the patient having to wrestle with any psychological, ethical, or moral complexity. “A pill helps you to get rid of your problems,” “Plastic surgery frees you from your complexes without having to question the origin of your shame and embarrassment.” While the practical applications of mechanistic science make life easier, in a sense, the essence of life eludes us ever more. Much of that process takes place below conscious awareness, but the sharp increase in acute mental suffering is an unmistakable sign that is discernible at society’s surface.
なぜ人類は、機械論的イデオロギーに絶望的に誘惑されているのでしょうか？理由の一つは、不快な存在は取り除くことができるという、幻想のためです。このことは、現代医学に最もよく表れています。一般的に、苦しみの原因は、身体の機械的な「欠陥」、あるいは病原性細菌やウイルスなどの外的な存在にたどりつきます。この原因は局所的なものであり、患者が心理的・倫理的・道徳的に悩まなくとも、（原則的には）制御、管理、操作することができます：「薬を飲めば治る」や「整形手術をすれば問題から開放される」など。機械論的科学の実応用は人の生活を楽にし得るが、生命の本質を見失いかけています。
The Enlightenment man could hardly help but cling to utopian optimism. In the nineteenth century, industrialization heralded the disappearance of the aristocratic and class society, and associated local social structures. Man tumbled out of his social and natural context, and as he fell, meaning dropped away too (see chapter 2). In this “disenchanted” mechanistic world (Max Weber), life became meaningless and a-teleological (the machinery of the universe runs without meaning or purpose), and religious frames of reference also lost coherence. Anxiety and unease, once tied to the oppression and abuse of the aristocracy and clergy, began to drift ineffably around in the human soul. Frustration and aggression, once held in check by fear of hell and the last judgment, proved increasingly easy to mobilize. The prospect of an afterlife dwindled and was readily replaced by belief in an artificially created, mechanistic-scientific paradise.
啓蒙主義者はユートピア的な楽観主義にしがみつきました。19世紀の工業化は、貴族社会・階級社会・それに付随する地域的な社会構造を消滅させました。新しい世界（機械論的世界）では、人生は無意味で無目的なものになり、宗教的基準も一貫を失った。古い社会では恐怖（地獄や最後の審判）にって抑制されていた不満と攻撃性が、ますます容易に動員されるようにまりました。そして、死後の世界という概念は薄れ、人工的に作られた機械的・科学的な楽園への信仰に置き換わりました。
It is here that we, together with Hannah Arendt, situate the undercurrent of totalitarianism: a naive belief that a flawless, humanoid being and a utopian society can be produced from scientific knowledge. The Nazi idea of creating a purebred superman based on eugenics and social Darwinism, and the Stalinist ideal of a proletarian society based on historical-materialism are prototypical examples, as is the current rise of transhumanism. When we hear about such ideologies, we like to believe that they are the products of deranged minds. This is a misconception. Plato, for example, found eugenics a commendable practice that had a place in his ideal state. And the twentieth century taught us that this practice does indeed lead to certain “successes.” The systematic abortion of fetuses with genetic predispositions to thalassemia in Cyprus resulted in this hereditary blood disease almost completely disappearing from the island.
ここで、全体主義の根底にあるものに言及します。それは、科学的な知識が完璧なヒューマノイド（完全無欠の人間の意味）と理想的な社会を生み出せる、というナイーブな信念です。この考え方は、スターリン主義のプロレタリア社会（唯物史観）やナチの民族主義（優生学と社会ダーウィニズムの応用）に限ったことではありません。プラトンは、優生学が理想的な国家を実現するための行為だと考えました。キプロスでは、セラサミアの撲滅に優生学的手法を用いました。台頭するのトランスヒューマニズムも、この信念と通じるものがあります。
We have to seriously ask ourselves the following question: Why not follow the principles of eugenics? As a social strategy, it can be rejected on purely ethical grounds, but it is crucial that we also be capable of rejecting it on rational grounds. The essence on rational grounds might be this: Eugenics may sometimes lead “locally” to desired results, insofar as it concerns “combating” “undesirable” characteristics; from an overall point of view, however, it has more disadvantages than advantages. Government regulation of the intimate sphere leads to psychological despair and, ultimately, to a decline in physical health. (We will further elaborate on this theme in the final chapters.) Even within the context of an ideology that would make physical health its ultimate goal, eugenics is a questionable strategy that ignores the complexity and subtlety of the human being.
社会的な戦略として、純粋に倫理的な理由だけではなく、合理的な理由を用いて優生学を拒否できるようにすることが重要です。合理的な理由での本質はこうかもしれません：優生学は、「好ましくない」性質を「克服」する限りにおいて、「局所的に」望ましい結果をもたらすことがあっても、全体から見れば、メリットよりもデメリットの方が多い。政府による「親密圏」の規制は、心理的な絶望をもたらし、最終的には身体的な健康の低下をもたらすと考えます。(このテーマについては、最終章でさらに詳しく説明する予定である）。
As Hannah Arendt states, totalitarianism is ultimately the logical extension of a generalized obsession with science, the belief in an artificially created paradise: “Science [has become] an idol that will magically cure the evils of existence and transform the nature of man.” In the next chapter, we will delve more deeply into one of the core features of both the mechanistic and totalitarian discourse: a naive belief in the measurability of reality and the excessive use and misuse of data and statistics.
全体主義とは、「一般化された強迫観念」を論理的に（＝科学的手法を用いて）拡張したものです。科学は偶像になったのです。この偶像は、魔法のように存在の悪を癒し、人間の本質を変容させます。次章では、機械論的言説と全体主義的言説の中核をなす特徴の一つである、現実の測定可能性に対する素朴な信仰と、データと統計の過度の使用と誤用について、より深く掘り下げます。
全体構成
Part I: Science and its Psychological Effects
Part II: Mass Formation and Totalitarianism
Part III: Beyond the Mechanistic Worldview
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