Eponine #61 It's important to understand what the fight is for
On November 9, Arakan troops clashed with military regime forces near Mount Wara.
I think it's extremely important to understand why this conflict happened and what we're fighting for. This report is a bit verbose and lengthy, but I wonder if we can see the future of Myanmar by making a series of reports up to the last speech by the Commander-in-Chief of the Arakan Army.
The Kingdom of Mrauk is a Rakhine Buddhist dynasty that lasted more than 300 years from the 15th century in what is now the region of Rakhine State in western Myanmar. It was destroyed in 1784 in the latter half of the 18th century by the Burmese dynasty, which is now the majority in Myanmar.
Pamela Gutmann wrote the book "The Lost Kingdom of Burma: The Wonders of Arakan". In his book, he introduces the history, art and culture of Arakan, an ancient nation located in the northeastern corner of Burma, how Southeast Asia has absorbed and re-introduced the influence of many cultures since the beginning of the millennium. Explains what you have interpreted. Off the Bay of Bengal, on the northwest corner of Burma, was the magnificent capital of ancient Arakan. It is described in Ptolemy's geography as an international nation with a lively and mixed culture from the early days. Indian Baramon performed royal ceremonies here, Buddhist monks spread the teachings, merchants came and went, and artists and architects used Indian models as inspiration. Through Buddhism, Arakan interacted with other countries, including Sri Lanka, Nepal, Tibet and China. It was also influenced by the Islamic Courts of Burma, Siam, Khmer, Bengal and Delhi, many of the early empires of Southeast Asia. Arakan had history, art and culture.
There are 135 ethnic minorities in Myanmar that are only officially recognized by the government. Its diversity has been a source of conflict since its independence in 1948. Ethnic minorities have strong dissatisfaction with long-standing discrimination and exploitation by governments and the armed forces.
The "federal system" that was put up at the time of Myanmar's independence is actually just a name, and many ethnic minorities are not allowed to learn their history and language at school, let alone autonomy. The nation-building of the majority Burmese's language, religion, and history was promoted, and ethnic minority people lost the benefit of economic development and the opportunity to gain social status. There are frequent forced labors, land seizures, violence and rape of residents by the armed forces. In addition, many citizens were displaced from their homes every time a battle took place, evacuated to neighboring countries such as Thailand, and became refugees. The poverty rate in Rakhine State is now 78%, more than double the national average.
The Myanmar government has continued peace talks with ethnic minorities, but the negotiations have broken down and repeated because the purpose was the interests in the natural resources and border trade that lie in their lands. In 2016, the National League for Democracy (NLD), led by State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi, took office and stated that peace with ethnic minorities would be a top priority. I have high expectations. However, three years after Suu Kyi became the top of the administration, the NLD took no action, and disappointment with the NLD spread. The reason why the Myanmar administration is stuck in conflict is the speculation of the parties who are trying to take advantage of the battle and suck sweet juice.
The Arakan Army was formed in 2009 in the northern part of Kachin State, Myanmar, with the support of the Kachin Independence Army, an armed force of the Kachin minority, who has long been in conflict with the armed forces.
In January of this year, before the February 1 coup d'etat, the Arakan army began a struggle for independence, beginning with a raid on a police facility in northern Rakhine State. So far, it has attacked police facilities as well as the transportation and logistics bases of the armed forces many times, and the battle area, which was initially centered on the north, has expanded to the south and urban areas.
The Arakan Army, which is supported by the Kachin Independence Army, one of the Myanmar minority guerrillas, has strong ties to the northern and northeastern minority armed groups that border China. The Ta'ang National Liberation Army and the Kokan armed groups may form an organization called the Northern Alliance to jointly operate.
In March after the coup, the military government lifted the Arakan army from being designated as a terrorist organization. For that reason, the Arakan Army has not clarified its attitude for a while, unlike the Karen National Union, which supports protests by the people in a big way, but now it is the Ta'ang National Liberation Army and the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance. Together with the military, he issued a statement saying, "If we continue to kill the citizens, we will stand up with the citizens who advocate the'Spring Revolution'." The Arakan Army's statement was a major miscalculation for the Armed Forces, which had lifted its designation as a terrorist organization.
On the other hand, due to China's Belt and Road Initiative, economic development of Chinese capital has become active even in Rakhine State, which faces the Indian Ocean and has abundant natural resources. The proceeds of these developments are shared between Chinese companies and the central government, so they are rarely returned to the locals of Rakhine State. The confiscation of land for development has also begun, further increasing dissatisfaction among the people of Rakhine State.
On August 1, the Arakan Union (ULA), the political arm of the Arakan Army, announced that it would establish its own judiciary in its controlled areas. Just months after the Myanmar junta removed the group from the list of terrorist organizations, the move, which took less than a year to ceasefire with the army after two years of fierce fighting, has rapidly gained influence. It is a proof of being there.
"The Arakan army can now be considered to control three-quarters of the entire state of Arakan," said Dr. Aye Maung, chairman of the Arakan Front Party (AFP), Rakhine's Nationalist Party. ..
Rakhine citizens welcomed the release of Dr. Aye Maung, the leader of Rakhine nationalists, released in February as a general amnesty.
Since being released from prison on February 12, Dr. Ai Maung has traveled extensively through his home state. During this time, he said he noticed a significant increase in the presence of the Arakan army. But he also said that it was only recently that the group became more prominently involved in non-military affairs.
On July 20, a stay-at-home order was issued in Rakhine State by the Arakan Union Federation and the Arakan Army, not by the military government. Dr. Ai Maung states that this measure aimed at preventing the spread of Covid-19 marks the beginning of what could be the role of the group as governing authority.
In a speech broadcast online on July 25, Maj. Gen. Twan Mrat Naing, commander-in-chief of the Arakan Army, said the majority of the state welcomed the stay-at-home order and actually followed it.
A few days later, the Arakan Army decided to promote higher compliance. In further efforts to strengthen its authority, the Arakan Union Federation and the Arakan Army have moved to deal with accusations of their own power. Arakan troops extorted money from locals and sent representatives to the village of Letoma in Minvia Township, which is rumored to have detained some in the mosque. In response to this episode, the Islamic Council of the Minbya and Mrauk-U townships issued a statement on August 8 denying accusations directed at members of the Arakan Union Federation and the Arakan Army.
The excellence of the Arakan Union and the Arakan Army is most pronounced in the northern part of the state. According to locals, in areas where there are many mainly Islamic villages, the equal treatment of non-Buddhists has earned them the trust. In the populous village of Buthidaung in the Rohingya, the Arakan Union and the Arakan Army even provide medical care, even though military-led pogroms have been forced to flee to neighboring Bangladesh.
As police have turned a blind eye to crimes in rural areas in recent years, it can be seen that Muslims are also beginning to rely on the Arakan army to deal with legal issues. All they are paying attention to is that the Arakan army should be fair and true.
The movement of the Arakan Union and the Arakan Army is even more pronounced in Kaukto, a town famous for the home of the revered Mahamni Buddha statue. With both the police station and the courthouse closed since last year, the town is now almost entirely under the control of armed groups and is frequently patroled in the town's rural areas. On June 26, Arakan troops raided a military camp stationed in the Mahamni Pagoda district of Kaukto and seized weapons from the junta, as if to remove doubts about its rule.
According to Khine Kaung San, director of the Sittwe-based One Lark Foundation, which assists refugees in conflict, 80% of northern Rakhine is now under Arakan military control.
Government forces must report to the Arakan Union and Arakan Army if they wish to enter a village near where they are stationed, and also travel the section of the highway connecting the northern towns. You need to ask for permission.
Since the two sides agreed to a ceasefire last November, the Myanmar Army seems to have given considerable authority to the Arakan Union and the Arakan Army.
From the first week of August, the junta army began introducing new restrictions to address the seemingly third wave of the Covid-19 pandemic. The measures announced include security checks in Sittwe, Kyaukpyu and Anne townships, a ban on parades and other large gatherings, and enforcement of rules requiring residents to register as guests. It was this last step that allowed the junta to carry out late-night inspections, and local civilians were amazed at the message that the military still had rules.
On November 9, Arakan troops clashed with military regime forces near Mount Wara. Currently, the two armies in the region are in a tense relationship, and negotiations between the two armies are conducted through an intermediary.
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-- Diplomacy seen by Eponine --
Introducing selected comments from Office Ton Pan Lar's diplomatic articles (mainly consideration about current Myanmar situation)
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