IAN HODDER 1982 Symbols in action

3 Maintaining the boundaris

In this chapter the distributions of pottery, stools and hearths are examined in order to show how they reinforce ethnic distinctions and act to make the ethnic competition and negative reciprocity acceptable within the Baringo context. In addition, it is improtant from the archaeological point of view to demonstrate what material culture boundaries look like and how they might be recognised in archaeological data.


このチャプターでは土器、椅子、炉床の分布について、民族的な闘争や負の互恵が民族的な区別をどのように強調して見えるかをバリンゴの事例で検討を行う。
加えて、考古学的な観点から物質文化の境界がどのようにして考古学的なデータにおいて認識されるかを重視する。

3-1 Pottery production and distribution

Njemps pottery
Most of the pottery used by the Njemps is made on the largest island in Lake Baringo（Kokwa Island), although other potters（all of whom are women）work in the Mukutan area to the east of Baringo, and have worked in the past on other islands in the lake. It is generally agreed by all the Njemps potters that clay on Kokwa lsland is the most suitable for potting.  When interviewed, the Kokwa potter（figure 16）said that she had tried making pottery on mainland near her main market at Kampi-ya-Samaki, but had been unsuccessful. Therefore, one constraint on the distribution of Njemps pottery is the localisation of good potting clays and this is a factor which has been discussed more generally by Arnold（1978）.

3-1 土器の製作と分布

ジェンプスで使われているほとんどの土器はバリンゴ湖（コクワ島）にある最も大きい島で作られるが、他の土器製作者（全員が女性）はバリンゴの西のムクタン地域で働き、過去に湖の他の島で働いていたことがある。コクワ島の粘土が土器製作に最も適していることが一般的に全ての土器製作者が合意している。インタビューをした時、コクワの土器製作者（図16）は、カンピヤサマキのメインマーケット近くの土で土器を作ろうとしたが、失敗したと述べた。したがって、Njemps土器の分布の1つの制約は、良い粘土の局在化であり、これはアーノルド（1978）によってより一般的に議論されている要因です。

The Kokwa potter make two forms of vessel, one for cooking with a wide open mouth（figure 17）, and one for water storage with a long narrow neck and a small mouth. In making the pots, the clay is first collected from ant hills at preferred spots on the island, and the dry clay is pounded down to a fine dust. Water is
then added and worked into the clay. No tempering material is added. The pot itself  is then gradually built up by the addition of coils, and smoothed out by hand and with the aid of pieces of calabash（figure16）. No base or support is used
to hold the pot during its formation, the whole process being carried out with the potter resting the pot on her lap. After drying in the shade, the pots are fired in small bonfires.

コクワ土器製作者は2種類の容器を作ります。1つは口を大きく開いた状態の調理用（図17）、もう1つは長い狭い首と小さな口の貯水用です。土器を作る際に、粘土は最初に島の好ましい場所のアリの丘から収集され、乾燥した粘土は細かく砕かれる。水を加えた後に粘土を作ります。tempering material は加えない。鍋自体は、コイルの追加によって徐々に構築され、手やひょうたんの破片によって滑らかに仕上げられる(図16)。ベースやサポートは、鍋の形を保持するため用いられず、すべてのプロセスは、彼女たちの膝の上に鍋を置いて実施される。その後、日陰で乾燥させ、鍋は小さな焚き火で焼かれます。

The amount of pottery made by the Kokwa potter varise seasonally, since the clay is too wet in the rainy season for potting. On average she make only ten pots a month in the dry season, so that she is able to carry out agricultural tasks as well.
コクワ土器職人が作った陶器の量は、雨季には粘土が濡れすぎて土器作りができないため、季節によって異なります。

There are two main ways in which the Kokwa potter's products are dispersed. Batches of pots are sometimes taken by the potter to the main markets in the mainland, and in particular to Kampi-ya-Samaki, on the western edge of the lake. Consumers buy the pots at this market and there is no secondary dispersal via traders. Only on rare occasions does the potter take her wares to smaller makets such as Salabani. But many of the pots are obtained directly by the consumers
travelling in small reed fishing boats to the island. This method of obtainig pots is not confined to those Njemps living nearest the lake. All the Kokwa pots found to the east of the lake had been obtained by this direct method. To the south of the lake, of the eighteen informants who were asked this question, nine had obtained their pots by going to the island, eight had obtained them from Kampi-ya-Samaki, and one from Salabani.

コクワ土器職人の製品が分散される主な方法は2つあります。一括の土器は、土器職人によって本土の主要な市場、特に湖の西端にあるカンピヤサマキに運ばれることがあります。