In such a case, if we consider how the countries behaved in the past and cui bono (who benefits) from the incident, we can see what we cannot see.

The following is from the preface, published on 12/31/2020, to Masayuki Takayama's book, "China and South Korea Lie as They Exhale.
This paper also proves that he is the one and only journalist in the postwar world.
Emphasis in the text is mine.

Preface　
When North Korea fired its first missile, Japan took its first punitive action.
The Mangyongbong, which was in Niigata Port, was banned from entering the port.　
It was a blow.
The ship brought methamphetamine and counterfeit dollars into Japan. When it returned, it also got missiles, electronic equipment needed for nuclear development, and atomic brains, including professors from Kyoto University, out of pachinko money.　
Even one flight cancellation would result in a loss of billions of yen.
And they were told, "Don't come back.
Chongryon was astonished.　
So what happened?
For some reason, whenever such an uproar occurs, an immediate uproar about a "threatening letter containing bullets was sent to Chongryon's Niigata headquarters" (Asahi Shimbun).
The Asahi Shimbun explains that right-wingers, angered by the North's intransigence, made the threat and sent bullets to show their seriousness.　
The Japanese government's sanctions are no different from the short-circuiting right-wingers who send bullets.
It also adds a sensible commentary on the need to make an adult decision.
TV commentators with no wisdom will also refer to Asahi's commentary and ask, "Is it OK to be on the same side as the far-right?

But if one thinks about it calmly, why would a short-circuited right-winger, such as a person without much wisdom, "write a letter to Chongryon's Niigata headquarters"?
Even those with wisdom would not know of the existence of such an office, much less the recipient's name.
Did the right-wingers call Chongryon and ask if there is a Mangyongbong-related facility in Niigata, and if so, what is the address?　
This well-timed "letter from a right-winger" is very suspicious.
It is Chongryon's creation, and we can see a "fake composition" in which his close friend Asahi cooperated.　

Thirty years ago, the Red Bulletin Corps attacked Asahi's Hanshin Bureau and killed and wounded two reporters.
The attack was blamed on right-wingers who were angered by Asahi's bias.　
However, the genuine right-wingers, such as Shusuke Nomura, did not run and hide when he burned down the residence of Ichiro Kono, evacuating the householders before setting fire to it.　
Right-wingers do not engage in cowardly black-market attacks.
Asahi says some right-wingers make noise in the streets, but most are not Japanese.
Japanese people, much less Japanese right-wingers, do not like noise.　
Finally, Shusuke Nomura went to Toshitada Nakae, the president of the Asahi Shimbun, to protest.
Nakae is the one who made Takashi Uemura and Yoshiaki Yoshimi write lies and slander Japan.
In the face of such a scumbag, Nomura spoke of his sorrow for his country in a calm tone from beginning to end, admonished Nakae, and then committed suicide.
When Nakae was exposed for lying about Yoshida Seiji, he apologized honestly, which was rare for an Asahi person.
He became a little more human.

In that light, the vile and insidious nature of the attack on the Hanshin Bureau raises the question of whether right-wingers committed it or not.
Then who did it and for what purpose?　
MacArthur prosecuted Class A war criminals on the birthday of the Showa Emperor and executed them on the birthday of the Crown Prince, the Heisei Joko.
The draft of MacArthur's constitution, the "execution of Japan," was approved by the Cabinet on Washington's birthday, February 22, and promulgated on Emperor Meiji's birthday.
It will be promulgated six months later, on May 3, but this day has no particular fate.  
The constitutionalist Asahi had wanted to make May 3 "the day of Japan's execution" for some time.
The paper has been praying for a memorable evil deed to be committed on that day that would remind people of the militarism and brutality of Japan.　
And just like that, the Red Guards attacked the Constitutional Asahi on May 3.
Since then, Asahi has continued to publish a page every year on Constitution Day that uses the late reporter Kojiri to criticize and curse Japan's past.   

The Asahi's dream of neutralizing Japan is what the United States, China, South Korea, and even North Korea, which loves assassinations, sincerely desire.  
It cannot be ruled out that the culprit took Asahi's feelings into account or consulted and cooperated. 　
One person who pointed this out was National Police Agency Commissioner Koji Kunimatsu.
He said, "We will investigate the crime without limiting it to right-wingers."
Instantly, he was snubbed, and the investigation on that side stopped.
Asahi got its way.　
Things are often not what they seem.
Even Trump's attack on Syria is not what it seems.
He was outraged by the horrors of poison gas and fired missiles of justice.
But it is the U.S. that is the poison gas weapon enthusiast.
Even in World War I, the use of poison gas jumped a hundredfold after the U.S. entered the war.
Although all countries agreed to ban poison gas weapons, the U.S. brought Ieperit to the European front in World War II, causing an accidental leak that killed 83 American soldiers.　
Furthermore, the U.S. is the king of poison gas, having provided Iraq with plants for the production of poison gas bombs, including sarin (New York Times).　
There are many reports that the anti-Assad camp in Syria has used these U.S. poison gas bombs buried in Iraq in the past.
There is no reason why Assad, whom Trump has allowed to remain in power, would go out of his way to risk using poison gas.
It is likely a self-induced act by someone with an agenda.　
In such a case, if we consider how the countries behaved in the past and cui bono (who benefits) from the incident, we can see what we cannot see.
This book is a compilation of the columns at the beginning of "Sound Arguments," but I would be happy if I could help you see the "intentions" behind the appearances.　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　Masayuki Takayama

December 6, 2023, in Kyoto